NEWS US

Please post news from 2006 here

Moderator: dusty

Postby janneke on Fri Dec 22, 2006 6:04 pm

Capital Defense Weekly for decisions from November 27,


Capital Defense Weekly for decisions from November 27, 2006 to December 11, 2006

In perhaps the most positive, and potentially important, Fifth Circuit decision since I started posting online a decade ago, in Billy Ray Nelson v. Quarterman the Fifth Circuit en banc holds 9-7 on Penry & the nature of the Texas special question scheme. The opinion - which overturns much of that Court's post-Penry analysis of the Texas Special Questions - holds that the Special Questions in use at the time of Nelson's trial precluded meaningful consideration of his (and presumably the overwhelming majority of those who were tried under the then existing Texas scheme) proffered mitigation. The lead opinion of Judge Carl Stewart is among the best dissections of Fifth Circuit & SCOTUS capital sentencing law I have seen. Judge Dennis’s pointed concurrence is a great read for his openness & judicial modesty in admitting he has made mistakes in his analysis of the death penalty in Texas.

Another opinion of potentially major long-term impact was handed down by Utah Supreme Court held Friday in State v. Menzies that a state statutory right to effective assistance of counsel exists in post-conviction. Counsel performance here is so bad that it was a constructive denial of counsel and hence client need not show prejudice, which is presumed. Note that the language here is strong and undeniable in the support for the ABA standards and good on the issue of fee caps & work-product privilege.

Additionally, in State v. Allen Gregory the Washington Supreme Court grants penalty phase relief on two grounds. First, the State relied on a prior conviction for rape as an aggravator, however the conviction for rape was subsequently voided. Second, the trial court's the prosecutor to exclude "any reference to the conditions that exist in prison," however the prosecutor "then blatantly violated the resulting order" in a manner that was "flagrant and ill-intentioned." As a result of both grounds, both separately and in conjunction, the sentence of death must be vacated.

Then of course there is the latest developments with lethal injection which is, perhaps, best summed up by a quote from Judge Fogel's “memorandum of intended decision” in Morales v. Tilton, footnote 8, attributed to a California prison officer after a botched execution there: “Sh*t does happen, so.” Morales findings conclude that California's “implementation of lethal injection is broken, but it can be fixed.” Likewise following the well publicized botched execution of Angel Diaz Florida Governor Jeb Bush, after reviewing the initial autopsy findings has suspended executions, for now, in Florida. In both states otherwise highly professional and competent corrections departments seem to have been giving unduly short-shrift to the process by which they take the lives of those in their care. As an aside, year to date, it is guestimated that 10 to 12 executions were put off due to lethal injection concerns in roughly a half dozen-jurisdictions.

The Supreme Court also handed down Carey v . Musladin. Justice Thomas's opinion is narrow and the concurrence make plain, including that by Justice Kennedy, that the Carey will be narrowly applied. Indeed, the opinion is a prelude to what is likely to be a heated question over the ultimate issue of the AEDPA & Article III that appears to be looming in the lower federal courts.

The Supreme Court last week decided Lopez v. Gonzalez. For those of us who dwell in the trial court realm, especially the noncapital realm, the opinion is huge. Steve Sady, Chief Deputy Federal Public Defender, Portland, Oregon, has an incredibly important post on the holding in Lopez over at the Ninth Circuit blog. His conclusions is simple & needs repeating here -- "[w]e need to be sure to immediately review our cases for clients who are being disadvantaged based on simple possession convictions."

In the news, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals has established new rules for appointed habeas attorneys in death row cases; those rules are linked here. Murder Victims' Families for Human Rights as part of their No Silence, No Shame has released a new report entitled “Creating New Victims: How executions hurt the families left behind.” The November 2006 edition of the Texas Bar Journal published by the State Bar of Texas, the State Bar has adopted a Texas version of the American Bar Association's Guidelines for the Appointment and Performance of Defense Counsel in Death Penalty Cases.”

Recent scholarship will be addressed in the next edition, but it can also be found at the blog.


This week's edition in theory is looking at just the period from November 27 to December 11, 2006, however, decisions & development more recent than those dominate this edition. One reason is that although the email goes out over the weekend - normally Sunday - cases from that week's Monday to Friday are not always covered is that Lexis & Westlaw generally do not post all their decisions until the following week. As a compromise an advance sheet of opinions that can be found are usually included & discussed.

Due to the holidays & potentially being out of the country I do not anticipate sending out a synopsis again until after Christmas. That edition will include a year end round-up. DPIC has their year end round-up here, although their projected total of number of new death sentences seems slightly high due to the low numbers of new death sentences in Ohio (4) and Texas (14), who have two of the nation's largest death rows.

As always, thanks for reading. - k

Full edition is available at http://www.capitaldefenseweekly.com/archives/061211.htm.


Executions
December
13 Angel Diaz (Florida)

Pending Executions
January
9 Corey Hamilton (Oklahoma)
10 Carlos Granados (Texas)
17 Johnathan Moore (Texas)
23 Kenneth Biros (Ohio) (potential LI related stay)
24 Larry Swearingen (Texas)
25 Ronald Chambers (Texas)
26 Marcus Robinson (North Carolina)
30 Christopher Swift (Texas-volunteer)

February
13 James Filiaggi (Ohio) (potential LI related stay)
22 Edward Harbison (Tennessee)
22 Newton Anderson (Texas)
27 Donald Miller (Texas)

March
6 Robert Perez (Texas)
7 Joseph Nichols (Texas)
28 Vincent Gutierrez (Texas)

More Execution information

In Favor of Life or Liberty

Week of 11/27 to 12/1/2006

State v. Allen Gregory, 2006 Wash. LEXIS 890 (Wash 11/30/2006) Penalty phase relief granted on two grounds. First, the State relied on a prior conviction for rape as an aggravator, however the conviction for rape was subsequently voided. Second, the trial court's the prosecutor to exclude "any reference to the conditions that exist in prison," however the prosecutor "then blatantly violated the resulting order" in a manner that was "flagrant and ill-intentioned." As a result of both grounds, both separately and in conjunction, the sentence of death must be vacated.

Week of 12/4 to 12/8/2006

State v. Darryl Gumm, 2006 Ohio App. LEXIS 6409 (Ohio 1st App 12/8/2006) Atkins relief granted.

Advance sheet for the week of 12/11 to 12/15/2006

Billy Ray Nelson v. Quarterman, No. 02-11096 (5th Cir 12/11/2006) The Fifth Circuit en banc holds 9-7 on Penry & the nature of the Texas special question scheme — Billy Ray Nelson v. Quarterman. The opinion - which overturns much of that Court's post-Penry analysis of the Texas Special Questions - holds that the Special Questions in use at the time of Nelson's trial precluded meaningful consideration of his (and presumably the overwhelming majority of those who were tried under the then existing Texas scheme) proffered mitigation. The lead opinion of Judge Carl Stewart is among the best dissections of Fifth Circuit & SCOTUS capital sentencing law I have seen. Judge Dennis’s pointed concurrence is a great read for his openness & judicial modesty in admitting he has made mistakes in his analysis of the death penalty in Texas.

State v. Menzies, No. 20040289 (Utah 12/15/2006) The Utah Supreme Court held Friday in State v. Menzies that a state statutory right to effective assistance of counsel exists in post-conviction. Counsel performance here is so bad that it was a constructive denial of counsel and hence client need not show prejudice, which is presumed. Note that the language here is strong and undeniable in the support for the ABA standards and good on the issue of fee caps & work-product privilege.



Favoring Death

Week of 11/27 to 12/1/2006


Charles Smith v. Quarterman, 2006 U.S. App. LEXIS 29492 (5th Cir 11/30/2006) "The state court’s decision that Smith’s counsel made a reasonable strategic decision to forego the presentation of evidence at the punishment phase is neither contrary to, nor an unreasonable application of, clearly established federal law."

William Earl Lynd v. Terry, 2006 U.S. App. LEXIS 29187 (11th Cir 11/28/2006) Relief denied on "whether Lynd was deprived of his right to assistance from necessary and competent experts at his competency trial and at both phases of his capital trial," as well as "whether Lynd was denied effective assistance of counsel because: (1) his retained counsel unreasonably advised him not to cooperate with a state mental health evaluation; (2) his counsel failed to conduct an investigation into Lynd's background, including his mental health and substance abuse problems; (3) his counsel failed to investigate adequately the State's case; and (4) his court-appointed counsel had a conflict of interest."

David Raley v. Ylst, 2006 U.S. App. LEXIS 29398 (9th Cir 11/30/2006) Rehearing en banc denied. Opinion modified but not the prior outcome.


Antonio Melton v. State, 2006 Fla. LEXIS 2804 (FL 11/30/2006) Post-conviction loss on: "(1) his claim that he was denied the effective assistance of counsel during both the guilt phase and penalty phase of his trial; (2) his claim that the State withheld material and exculpatory evidence and presented misleading evidence; (3) his newly discovered evidence claim; (4) his claim that the prosecutor's misconduct during the course of his case rendered Melton's conviction and sentence fundamentally unfair and unreliable; and (5) his claim that there was unconstitutional systematic exclusion of a significant portion of the nonwhite population from the jury pool."


Comm. v. Kevin Marinelli, 2006 Pa. LEXIS 2279 (PA 11/27/2006) Relief denied on postconviction review of all claims, including: "(1) Should Appellant's death sentence be vacated because he was denied an impartial sentencing jury and, as a result, consideration of mitigating evidence was restricted; (2) Is Appellant entitled to a new sentencing because the penalty phase instructions shifted the burden of persuasion from the Commonwealth to Appellant and violated the presumption of life afforded defendants in capital sentencing procedures; (3) Is Appellant entitled to a new trial because [a juror] was a former client of [an] Assistant District Attorney [in the case]; (4) Must Appellant's death sentence be vacated because the sentencing jury was never instructed that, if sentenced to life, he would be statutorily ineligible for parole; (5) Was counsel ineffective in misapprising Appellant of his right to testify to personal background mitigating circumstances without being subject to cross-examination of the circumstances of the offense, and was Appellant’s waiver of his right to testify in mitigation invalid; (6) Did the trial court fail to properly instruct on the nature and use of aggravating and mitigating factors; (7) Is Appellant entitled to the production of the remaining voir dire transcripts and restoration of his right to direct appeal, nunc pro tunc, because these notes of testimony of the voir dire proceedings were and remain unavailable to him; and (8) Must Appellant’s death sentence be vacated because this Court failed to provide meaningful proportionality review;"


State v. James Conway, 2006 Ohio 6219 (Ohio 10th App. 11/27/2006) Relief denied, most notably, on: (1) failure to permit funding to retain experts; (2) limitations placed on discovery; (3) applicability of res judicata to bar review of certain claims; and (4) failure to appoint to counsel for the duration of the postconviction process.

State v. James O'Neal, 2006 Ohio 6283 (Ohio 1st App 12/1/2006) Relief denied on claims of mental retardation.
Week of 12/4 to 12/8/2006

Kenneth Parr v. Quarterman, 2006 U.S. App. LEXIS 29998 (5th Cir 12/7/2006) Denial of habeas relief and a request for a certificate of appealability in a death penalty case are affirmed and denied, respectively, over procedurally barred or abandoned claims, and claims of error regarding: 1) whether the conviction was obtained in violation of the Fifth Amendment under the doctrine of collateral estoppel; 2) Brady claims; 3) ineffective assistance of counsel; 4) the jury's consideration of evidence regarding parole during deliberations; 5) jury instructions; 6) denial of defendant's request to introduce evidence on the length of time he would be required to serve before being eligible for parole; 7) alleged eliciting of testimony about defendant's post-arrest silence by the state; 8) admission of evidence; and 9) an Eighth Amendment claim.

Martin Link v. Luebbers, 2006 U.S. App. LEXIS 30085 (8th Cir 12/8/2006) Relief denied on: 1) failure to investigate and present mitigating evidence; 2) appellate IAC regarding the trial court’s decision to allow evidence regarding testing done on a car; and 3) appellate IAC regarding from trial counsel's failure to make a record regarding juror strikes.

Roger Judge v. Canada, 2006 U.S. App. LEXIS 30158 (3rd Cir 12/8/2006) (unpublished) Deportation from Canada, even where the defendant may face capital charges, may not be brought in American federal courts.

Christopher Barbour, et al v. Haley, 2006 U.S. App. LEXIS 30116 (11th Cir 12/8/2006) Relief denied on whether there exists a constitutional right to post-conviction assistance of counsel in capital cases where, unlike Murray v. Giarratano, there is a real possibility of no assistance of counsel in capital post-conviction proceedings.


Ex Parte David Lewis, 2006 Tex. Crim. App. LEXIS 2345 (Tex Crim App 12/6/2006) (dissent) Relief denied on post-conviction claims of mental retardation.

Thomas Springs v. State, 2006 Ark. LEXIS 616 (Ark 12/7/2006) Relief denied on claims including: "(1) erred, as a matter of law, by failing to intervene and appoint a head-injury expert to examine him; (2) erred in submitting aggravating circumstances to the jury that were not warranted by the evidence; (3) erred in refusing to give Appellant's proffered instruction on mitigating circumstances and, instead, submitting Arkansas Model Criminal Instruction Form 2; (4) erred in admitting State's Exhibits 23 and 24 because that evidence was cumulative and its probative value was substantially outweighed by the danger of unfair prejudice; (5) erred when it allowed Appellant to be charged under Ark. Code Ann. § 5-10-101 (Supp. 2003) in violation of the Eighth Amendment to the United States Constitution and the Arkansas Constitution; (6) abused its discretion in admitting victim-impact evidence during Appellant's sentencing because, under Arkansas law, such evidence is irrelevant in capital-murder cases."


In re: Amendments to Florida Rules of Criminal Procedure 3.851 & 3.590, 2006 Fla. LEXIS 2806 (FL 12/7/2006)

Angel Diaz v. State, 2006 Fla. LEXIS 2810 (FL 12/8/2006) "Diaz challenges the constitutionality of Florida's lethal injection statute and the procedures that the state uses for lethal injection. He also contends that his conviction and sentence of death must be vacated in light of newly discovered evidence. He claims that he is exempt from execution because he suffers from severe mental illness. He also argues that the trial court erred in denying his various requests for public records." Angel Diaz is, as has been abundantly clear through out this edition, dead and his claims in this appeal failed.

State v. Gary Kleypas, 2006 Kan. LEXIS 716 (Kan 12/8/2006) "The question we must resolve in the State's interlocutory appeal is wh
janneke
 
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Postby janneke on Fri Dec 22, 2006 6:40 pm

COURT RULINGS ON EXECUTIONS

'Cruel' punishment standard loosens

CAL THOMAS
Which of the following scenarios constitutes cruel and unusual punishment, as prohibited by the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution: (1) aborting a baby with a fully developed nervous system and probably inflicting great pain; (2) murdering a nightclub manager in cold blood; (3) taking 34 minutes - twice the normal time - to execute the murderer of the nightclub manager?

Anti-death penalty forces want us to believe number three. They claim the Dec. 13 execution in Florida of Angel Nieves Diaz took too long and required a second injection, thus violating the Eight Amendment. Florida's outgoing governor, Jeb Bush, has suspended all executions in his state pending an investigation into the state's lethal-injection process. In California, U.S. District Judge Jeremy D. Fogel declared California's execution procedure unconstitutional and lethal injections - the preferred execution method in 37 states - an offense to the ban on cruel and unusual punishment.

One wishes such considerations were available to relatives of the deceased, and to the deceased themselves, who are not given a choice in the method of their execution, much less the option of continuing to live.

Diaz was convicted of second-degree murder in his native Puerto Rico. He escaped from prison there and also from Connecticut's Hartford Correctional Center in 1981. In Hartford, he held one guard at knifepoint while another was beaten.

As to the constitutional issue regarding cruel and unusual punishment, here too, some history may be helpful. This is why "original intent" of the Founders is important to consider, because what they meant by the phrase and what we think we believe about it differs considerably.

At the time the Bill of Rights was written, the authors sought to ban such execution methods as burning at the stake, crucifixion and breaking on the wheel. In modern times, the Supreme Court has decided cases that redefine what the Founders meant. In Hudson v. McMillan (1992), the court ruled that the use of excessive physical force against a prisoner might constitute cruel and unusual punishment, even if a prisoner does not suffer serious pain. But the actual infliction of physical pain or hardship is not necessary for such a finding. As far back as 1958, the Supreme Court ruled in Trop v. Dulles that the use of denationalization (the deprivation of citizenship) is a punishment barred by the Eighth Amendment.

Aside from the period between 1967 and 1976, when capital punishment was effectively suspended, the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that the death penalty does not violate the Eighth Amendment, but that some applications of it might. The court declared the execution of the mentally retarded to be cruel and unusual punishment and, thus, barred by the Eighth Amendment (Atkins v. Virginia, 2002). In Roper v. Simmons (2005), the court ruled it was cruel and unusual punishment to put to death anyone who was under the age of 18 at the time they committed their crime.

I don't know how you define cruel and unusual in a lethal injection case. Angel Nieves Diaz was said to have a physical condition that required more drugs to kill him than if he had not had the condition. If those administering the drugs had known and given him a double dose so he might die within the "norms" of such executions, would that have been constitutionally acceptable? Does this not get us into the same arbitrary standards applied to the unborn? At first, the Supreme Court imposed an arbitrary trimester standard, forbidding the state from restricting a woman's decision in the first three months. But subsequent rulings have resulted in abortion on demand..

To avoid this legal hair-splitting, why not return to an earlier and acceptable method of execution that ensures justice is done and inflicts minimal pain on the guilty: the firing squad.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Contact Thomas, a syndicated columnist, at CalThomas@tribune.com.

http://www.myrtlebeachonline.com/mld/su ... 287803.htm
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US: Death Penalty Is Inhumane

Postby dusty on Sat Dec 23, 2006 10:41 am

US: Death Penalty Is Inhumane
Fri Dec 22, 2006 7:26AM
195.28.224.59


Death Penalty Is Inhumane

December 22 2006

Executions have come a long way since the days when troublemakers
were beheaded or burned. Or have they?

Over time, less messy methods of putting lawbreakers to death have
emerged, purporting to be more humane. These include death by firing
squad, hanging, the electric chair and, most recently, the use of
chemicals.

Now, Florida and California are poised to re-evaluate lethal injection.

A federal judge in California last week declared the state's lethal
injection procedures so unprofessional as to violate the
Constitution's prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment.

The decision prompted Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger to order an overhaul
of execution procedures.

The next day, Florida Gov. Jeb Bush suspended lethal injections and
named a commission to investigate the constitutionality of that
state's death-row protocol after prison personnel bungled the
execution of an inmate whose passing dragged on for 34 minutes.

Realistically, the idea that pain reduction somehow renders capital
punishment more acceptable is absurd. Dead is dead, no matter what
method is used. There are many reasons capital punishment shouldn't
be used in a civilized society.

The death penalty may be a factor in deterring crime in some
individual cases, but overall it isn't. Furthermore, research shows
that executions are unequally applied and that a disturbing number of
inmates on death row are not guilty of the crimes that got them there.

The latest wrangling over the amount of pain that capital punishment
causes only underscores that fact that it is ineffective in stopping
crime, unjust, inhumane and should be abolished.
Copyright 2006, Hartford Courant

http://www.courant.com/news/opinion/edi ... editorials
dusty
 
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US: Prisoners' Right to Internet Materials Contested

Postby dusty on Fri Dec 29, 2006 9:48 am

US: Prisoners' Right to Internet Materials Contested
Wed Dec 27, 2006 7:48AM
195.28.224.59


December 25, 2006

Prisoners' Right to Internet Materials Contested

By Vesna Jaksic, The National Law Journal

The Internet age -- and all its legal complications -- has finally come to
prisons.

When Danny Williams, a Georgia prisoner serving a life sentence for murder,
wasn't allowed to receive legal materials downloaded from the Internet in
his mail, he filed a pro se suit challenging the ban.

Brooke Savage, an associate in the Atlanta office of Holland & Knight, took
over the suit in early 2004 shortly after joining the firm, which had been
appointed by the court. Williams v. Donald, No. 5:01-CV-292-2 (M.D. Ga.).

"It was something that just stood out as being contrary to the First
Amendment, a complete and seemingly arbitrary ban on a prisoner's mail
solely because it is generated from the Internet," she said.

The Georgia Department of Corrections policy prohibits a prisoner from
receiving mail from the Internet unless it is from the prisoner's lawyer or
the Web site's publisher. Williams' girlfriend at the time had sent the
materials.

Prisoners do not have access to the Internet. Cases about inmates' rights in
the digital world have focused on whether prisoners should be allowed to
receive correspondence originating from the Internet. Prisoners' advocates
have said that receiving the material in the mail is a free speech right
protected by the First Amendment.

Opponents have brought up an array of safety and security concerns, such as
the possibility that the materials could include contraband. In Williams'
case, state officials said that Internet printouts may increase the risk of
inmates getting their hands on dangerous information, such as instructions
on making a pipe bomb, according to court documents.

POLICIES CHALLENGED

There is no state or federal legislation regarding prisoners' rights to
accessing Web-based materials, but in recent years, some inmates have
successfully challenged prison policies that banned the receipt of material
from cyberspace.

In 2004, the California Department of Corrections was barred from preventing
inmates from receiving mail containing Internet-generated information.
Clement v. California Department of Corrections, 364 F.3d 1148 (9th Cir.).

The department referred calls to Pelican Bay State Prison, where the case
originated. The prison's spokesman, Lieutenant Ken Thomas, said the policy
has been changed to allow for such materials as long as they don't
jeopardize the security of the institution.

More recently, a Colorado district judge ruled in October against the
Federal Bureau of Prisons, saying its policy was unconstitutional because it
prohibited an inmate from getting printed materials in the mail. Jordan v.
Hood, No. 03-cv-02320 (D. Colo.).

In Williams' case, a magistrate recommended in September that a Georgia
prison policy be declared unconstitutional. Both sides have filed briefs and
are awaiting a district judge's ruling.

Yolanda Thompson, a spokeswoman for the Georgia Department of Corrections,
said that the department's policy against access to Internet materials
originated from security concerns.

"The policy stipulates that this is done in order to ensure departmental
management security and to prohibit inappropriate use and access consistent
with state and federal law," Thompson said.

Kevin Brown, a partner at Sell & Melton of Macon, Ga., who is representing
the Georgia department's commissioner and warden, declined to comment. Russ
Willard, a spokesman for Georgia's attorney general, would only reiterate
the department's policy about prohibited mail.

But in court papers, the defense has said that the prison does not have a
full ban on Internet mail because online materials are allowed if they come
from the prisoner's lawyer or the site's publisher.

Georgia officials contend that allowing Internet-generated mail will
drastically increase mail volume, and that the materials could compromise
prison security or include contraband.

Savage said prison officials already screen mail to ensure that it does not
pose a threat, so broad bans on Internet materials are not necessary.

John Boston, director of the Prisoners' Rights Project of the New York City
Legal Aid Society, said prisons' ban on online materials do not make sense.
While a prisoner cannot receive a printed page from the Internet, he or she
could receive the same article if it were re-typed.

The director of the National Correctional Industries Association referred
requests for comment to the American Correctional Association, an industry
group. The ACA did not return repeated phone and e-mail requests.

David Fathi, staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union's
National Prison Project, said some organizations have also tried to ban
prisoners from posting information online. But after Arizona lost a case
involving that issue, litigation has slowed down.

---

Source : The National Law Journal

http://www.law.com/jsp/article.jsp?id=1166782003678
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Postby dusty on Fri Dec 29, 2006 9:49 am

The United States of Punishment- "Unjust, Cruel and ....
Wed Dec 27, 2006 7:52AM
195.28.224.59


December 18, 2006

"Unjust, Cruel and Irrational"
The United States of Punishment
By WILLIAM BLUM

2.2 million imprisoned ... "We're Number One! USA! USA! USA!" ... 7 million -- one in every 32 American adults -- either behind bars, on probation, or on parole ... When it comes to sentencing, let me tell you, people, and pardon my language, the United States is one hell of a tough mother ...er ... beginning with mandatory minimum sentences ... there are tens of thousands of young men rotting their lives away in American prisons for simple possession of a drug, for their own use, for their own pleasure, to enjoy with a friend, no victims involved. Do you think a person should be in prison if he hasn't hurt anyone? Either physically, financially, or in some other real and serious manner? Jose Antonio Lopez, a legal permanent resident with a family and business in South Dakota, was deported back to Mexico a while ago because of a cocaine charge -- Sale? No. Use? No. Possession? No ... He told someone where they could buy some. Another man was sentenced to 55 years in prison for three marijuana deals because he was in possession of a gun each time, which he did not use or brandish. Possession of a firearm in a drug transaction requires a much stiffer prison sentence. Four former attorneys-general and 145 former prosecutors and judges wrote in support of a lighter sentence for this man. The presiding judge himself called the sentence "unjust, cruel and irrational", but said the law left him no choice.

On December 1, a court in the Netherlands convicted four Dutch Muslims of plotting terrorist attacks against political leaders and government buildings. The heaviest sentence for any of them was eight years. On December 13, a priest was convicted of taking part in Rwanda's 1994 genocide by ordering militiamen to set fire to a church and then bulldoze it while 2,000 people seeking safety were huddled inside. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda sentenced him to 15 years in prison. Considerably lighter sentences than in the United States are generally a common phenomenon in much of the world. In the US, the mere mention of the word "terrorist" in a courtroom will likely bring down 30, 40, 50 years, life in prison, on the defendant's head, even for only thinking and talking of an action, an Orwellian "thoughtcrime", with nothing concrete done to further the plan.

Colombian drug traffickers, British Muslims, and others accused of "terrorist" offenses strenuously fight extradition to the United States for fear of Uncle Sam's merciless fist. They're the lucky ones amongst Washington's foreign targets; they're not kidnapped off the street and flown shackled and blindfolded to secret dungeons in shadowy corners of the world to be tortured.

For those who think that no punishment is too severe, too cruel, in the War on Terrorism against the Bad Guys, it must be asked what they think of the case of the Cuban Five. These are five Cubans who were engaged in the United States in the 1990s trying to uncover information about anti-Castro terrorists based in Miami, some of whom shortly before had been carrying out a series of bombing attacks in Havana hotels and may have been plotting new attacks. The Five infiltrated Cuban-American organizations based in Miami to monitor their actions, and they informed the Cuban government of their findings. The Cuban government then passed on some of the information to the FBI. And what happened next? The FBI arrested the five Cubans.

The Cubans were held in solitary confinement for 17 months; eventually they were tried, and in 2001 convicted on a variety of charges thrown together by the government for the occasion, including murder (sic!) and conspiracy to commit espionage (probably the first case in American judicial history of alleged espionage without a single page from a single secret document). They were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 15 years to life. But the federal government's lust for punishment was still not satisfied. They have made it extremely difficult for their Cuban prisoners to receive family visits. Two of them have not seen their wives and children since their arrest in 1998; the other three have had only scarcely better luck. Yet another glorious chapter in the War on Terrorism.

William Blum is the author of Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II, Rogue State: a guide to the World's Only Super Power. and West-Bloc Dissident: a Cold War Political Memoir.

He can be reached at: BBlum6@aol.com

http://www.counterpunch.org/blum12182006.html
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US: "DEATH ROW USA" Fall 2006 - Florida Surpasses

Postby dusty on Fri Dec 29, 2006 9:55 am

US: "DEATH ROW USA" Fall 2006 - Florida Surpasses Texas
Wed Dec 27, 2006 12:21PM
84.142.202.191


December 27, 2006

"DEATH ROW USA" Fall 2006 Now Available - Florida Surpasses Texas

The latest edition of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund's "Death Row, USA"
reports that the number of people on death row in the United States has
continued to decline, falling to 3,344 as of October 1, 2006. The size of
death row has been declining since 2000 after 25 years of steady increases.
For the first time in many years, Florida (398) surpassed Texas (392) in the
size of its deathrow. California (657) continued to have the largest death
row.

Nationally, the racial composition of those on death row is 45% white, 42%
black, and 11% Latino/Latina. Of jurisdictions with more than 10 people on
death row, Texas (69%) and Pennsylvania (70%) continue to have the largest
percentage of minorities on death row. Nearly 80% of the murder victims in
the crimes that resulted in executions were white. (Generally, only about
48% of murder victims are white.)

Death Row, USA is published quarterly and contains the names and race of
everyone on death row, execution statistics, and an overview of recent
Supreme Court decisions related to capital punishment.
(NAACP Legal Defense Fund, "Death Row, USA, Fall 2006" October 1, 2006)
(should be posted soon). See Death Row and DPIC's 2006 Year End Report for a
discussion of the overall decline in the use of the death penalty.

---

Source : Death Penalty Information Center

http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/article ... 36&scid=64
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US: The Constitution, Capital Punishment And Clemency Procee

Postby dusty on Fri Dec 29, 2006 10:03 am

US: The Constitution, Capital Punishment And Clemency Procee
Thu Dec 28, 2006 3:42AM
195.28.224.59


The Constitution, Capital Punishment And Clemency Proceedings
By CARL TOBIAS
----
Thursday, Dec. 28, 2006

Three critical developments recently occurred that will propel increasing scrutiny of lethal injections, the method used by the federal government and practically all states for executing death-row inmates.

First, Governor Jeb Bush (R-Fla.) suspended all executions in Florida, after prison officials botched the execution of Angel Diaz, and appointed a commission to analyze the lethal injection process. Second, U.S. District Judge Jeremy Fogel found that California's "implementation of lethal injections is broken" and urged that it be revamped. Third, the Maryland Court of Appeals held that the state's lethal injection protocol had been adopted in a procedurally deficient manner and suspended all executions in Maryland until the defect is remedied.



These developments received greater notoriety than related action by Virginia Governor Tim Kaine that may prove equally important to the national debate over capital punishment.

Virginia Governor Invokes Clemency Power for Potentially Mentally Incompetent Inmate

Governor Kaine recently honored the Constitution by invoking clemency power to postpone Percy Walton's scheduled execution because of significant questions about his mental competence. Kaine found Walton's mental status critical because the U.S. Supreme Court held execution of incompetent people unconstitutional in the 1986 Ford v. Wainwright case.

Justice Lewis Powell stated the Eighth Amendment forbids executing "those who are unaware of the punishment they are about to suffer and why they are to suffer it," because execution would be a "uniquely cruel penalty," if persons could not understand they would die and "prepare, mentally and spiritually."

The Ford case guided clemency review. Kaine stated he had "no doubt that Walton committed horrific crimes against innocent victims" or that their families had suffered greatly. Kaine said he had no reason to question the prosecutor's decision to pursue the death penalty or the court's decision to impose a death sentence.

In March of this year, seven of thirteen 4th Circuit judges found Walton competent, but they only had psychiatric evaluations and other information dating from 1997 up to 2003, but not beyond.

Kaine recently received evidence that Walton's condition had deteriorated since 2003. Out of courts' concerns that Walton did not know he was to be executed or why, Kaine sought current, independent information about his condition. Kaine assembled much data, which compelled his conclusion that Walton is severely mentally impaired and unaware of the punishment he would suffer and why.

Column continues below
dusty
 
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US: Questioning State-Sanctioned Murder

Postby dusty on Sat Dec 30, 2006 4:25 pm

US: Questioning State-Sanctioned Murder
Fri Dec 29, 2006 9:02AM
195.28.224.59


December 28, 2006
Questioning State-Sanctioned Murder

by Ashu M. G. Solo

The following questions cover all aspects of the barbarity of the death penalty:

Are we willing to sacrifice the lives of some innocent and wrongly convicted people to get revenge against some guilty people?

If 123 innocent people were released from death row in the last 35 years, how many innocent people were executed?

If 17 innocent people were released from death row in Illinois after a Northwestern University journalism class investigated the cases of people on death row, how many innocent people were executed?

Why don't we consider that 31 people in the last century have been executed in cases where there was extraordinarily strong evidence of their innocence?

When the criminal justice system is less accurate in determining guilt than the postal system is in delivering a letter, how can we trust the criminal justice system to execute someone?

Why aren't victims' rights advocates concerned about the many innocent and wrongly convicted people who are victims of the death penalty?

How do we compensate or exonerate an executed person if evidence comes out later of his innocence?

Would we be willing to be among the many innocent and wrongly convicted victims who are sacrificed so that people can be murdered by the state?

Could we imagine being sentenced to die for a crime we didn't commit?

Why would we support the death penalty when there is a nationwide and worldwide epidemic of corrupt cops knowingly charging people with crimes they didn't commit?

Why don't we consider that many politicians will allow a potentially innocent person to be executed if they think the execution will score them political points?

Why do we want to put a criminal out of his misery by executing him, so he can feel no more pain, instead of punishing him for life?

Isn't life in a cage with no possibility of parole a much harsher penalty than death?

Why don't we realize the death penalty is racist when although black people and white people are murdered in almost equal numbers, black people are frequently executed for killing white people, but white people are almost never executed for killing black people?

Why don't we realize the death penalty is racist when the chance of receiving a death sentence is nearly four times higher if the defendant is black?

Why don't we realize the death penalty is racist when race has a greater effect on death sentencing than smoking does on dying from heart disease?

Why don't we realize that a poor person is much more likely to receive a death sentence than a rich person because of inadequate representation?

Why would we support the death penalty when it makes a jury much more reluctant to convict?

Why would we support the death penalty when it makes many people, such as a suspect's family and friends, much more reluctant to give information leading to a suspect's arrest?

Why don't we take note that executions are frequently botched, which violates the law and causes tremendous torture to the person being executed and his family?

What did the condemned person's family do that they should be punished by having their family member put to death?

Why would we support the death penalty when it prolongs the agony of a murder victim's family for years before they see a sentence carried out?

Why would we support the death penalty when no victim's family ever feels any better at all after the convicted person is executed?

Why do we think DNA evidence can prove a person committed a crime when it can only sometimes prove a person did not commit a crime?

Why don't we realize that many of us don't know enough to consider the many unfair repercussions of the death penalty, such as limiting habeas corpus, in other areas of the criminal justice system?

Why won't public policy allow the state to flog someone, but will allow the state to murder someone?

Why aren't executions broadcast on TV or open to the public like a court trial, so everyone can see the barbarity of the death penalty?

Why would any taxpayer support the death penalty when it costs much more to administer a death penalty than to incarcerate for life?

Why do we want to waste so much money on the death penalty instead of investing the money in health care and education?

What possible benefit does the death penalty have when studies prove it doesn't deter people from committing a crime?

Isn't it especially barbaric to execute mentally retarded people?

Isn't it especially barbaric to execute people who were mentally ill when they committed the crimes for which they were rightly or wrongly convicted?

Isn't it especially barbaric to execute people who are currently mentally ill?

Isn't it especially barbaric to execute people who were juveniles when they committed the crime for which they were rightly or wrongly convicted?

Why don't we feel blood on our hands when we supported a politician who failed to stop the execution of someone who was rightly or wrongly convicted?

Why don't we feel blood on our hands when we supported a politician who legislated the death penalty?

Why is America the only modern western country that still has a death penalty?

Why do we preach about human rights around the world when we have so much work to do at home?

What makes the state any better than the person who did the murder if the state commits murder?

Shouldn't public policy be about righteousness instead of revenge?

Why do we murder people who are rightly or wrongly convicted of murdering people to show that murder is wrong?

When will we wake up?



Ashu M. G. Solo is an electrical and computer engineer, mathematician, writer, and entrepreneur. His research interests are in branches of engineering, math, and public policy, and he has numerous publications in these and other fields. He is the principal of Maverick Technologies America Inc. Solo previously served honorably as an infantry officer and platoon commander understudy in the Cdn. Army Reserve.

http://www.opednews.com/articles/opedne ... ate_sa.htm
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Postby janneke on Tue Mar 20, 2007 7:58 am

Attorney Scandal Threatens Gonzales' Job

Jason McLure and T.R. Goldman
Legal Times
03-19-2007
The damage is done.

The Justice Department's top two officials gave misleading
information to Congress under oath. The attorney general's chief of
staff has resigned, and the job security of Attorney General Alberto
Gonzales is in serious doubt.

But regardless of whether Gonzales becomes a casualty of the U.S.
Attorney scandal, former Justice officials and lawmakers agree that
the White House and Justice Department must restore credibility to a
system that -- until now -- has managed to balance the prosecutorial
independence of 93 U.S. Attorneys with their status as at-will
political appointees of the president.

And that means changing the current perception that powerful
political interests can shape the outcome of a federal criminal
investigation.

"The greatest travesty here is that you don't want to take away the
independence of the U.S. Attorney's office," says Debra Wong Yang,
who until last year ran the country's second-largest U.S. Attorney's
Office, in Los Angeles. "The public relies on the impartiality of
their prosecutions," adds Yang, a partner at Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher.
"To have it operate on anything less does a huge disservice to us as
a nation."

That impartiality has been seriously undermined by the White House
and Justice's shifting explanations for the dismissals. Additionally,
documents released last week show that the White House, including
presidential counselor Karl Rove, was heavily involved in the
decisions to fire the U.S. Attorneys -- contrary to its earlier
assertions that Rove had little involvement.

Two of the fired prosecutors told Congress that they'd received calls
from GOP lawmakers or staff pressuring them to pursue public-
corruption or election-fraud investigations in a way favorable to
Republicans. And the Justice Department has not dispelled allegations
that the dismissal of Carol Lam, the U.S. Attorney in San Diego, was
connected to a public-corruption probe of congressional Republicans.

For one former U.S. Attorney, restoring a perception of independence
is crucial.

"Something needs to happen to let U.S. Attorneys and their staffs and
offices know that ... whatever direction the evidence in a case leads
[is] the only thing driving cases," says former federal prosecutor
James Vines, who ran Tennessee's middle district office from 2002 to
2006.

"Regardless of what the ultimate facts will show, whether Attorney
General Gonzales and his staff are fully vindicated, there are
certainly legitimate questions on the table with which nobody can
argue," Vines says.

One result already: The department has agreed not to oppose a bill
now moving through the Senate and House that would overturn a
controversial law allowing the Justice Department to appoint interim
U.S. Attorneys indefinitely and without Senate approval.

And it's almost certain that the department will take steps to limit
contact between lawmakers and prosecutors in politically charged
corruption probes.

A visibly uncomfortable Gonzales attempted to put those concerns to
rest at a March 13 press conference by admitting "mistakes were made"
and proclaiming: "I believe in the independence of our U.S.
Attorneys." Referencing his former chief of staff D. Kyle Sampson,
who resigned one day earlier, Gonzales said he was not aware of
details of Sampson's contact with the White House regarding a plan to
fire U.S. Attorneys.

"I never saw documents," Gonzales said. "We never had a discussion
about where things stood."

His remarks, however, did little to placate critics.

"He's failed to dispel the black cloud that's now hanging over every
U.S. Attorney's Office in the United States," says John McKay, the
former U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Washington and one
of the group of seven prosecutors fired Dec. 7 (an eighth was fired
last summer). "And that's the cloud of political influence."

Not even everyone in the administration found Gonzales' remarks
persuasive.

"Does anybody believe the attorney general when he says that he
wasn't aware?" says one high-ranking administration lawyer. "People
who were there knew what was going on and knew what they were in for."

Indeed, Sampson's e-mails released last week show Michael Elston,
chief of staff to Justice's No. 2, Paul McNulty, learned in mid-
October 2006 that one goal of the firings was to take advantage of a
provision in the recently reauthorized Patriot Act that allowed the
department to install interim U.S. Attorneys indefinitely -- and
avoid the Senate confirmation process.

(Five months later, but before the e-mail traffic had been made
public, McNulty would testify that the provision "has not and will
not be used to circumvent the confirmation process.")

And a detailed plan for the firings sent from Sampson to McNulty in
mid-November warned the Justice Department's leadership to "prepare
to withstand political upheaval."

LOYAL BUSHIES

Several of the fired U.S. Attorneys testified earlier this month that
they were given no reason for their dismissal. When some called
senior officials at Justice late last year to question their firings,
they were told that they were being pushed aside to give others a
chance at the jobs.

But in January, under oath before the Senate Judiciary Committee,
Gonzales told senators he would "never, ever" ask U.S. Attorneys to
step down for political reasons. Gonzales was further contradicted by
the release of e-mails last week from Sampson which showed that
prosecutors were judged in part on whether they were "loyal Bushies."

McNulty testified on Feb. 6 that all but one of the prosecutors were
fired for "performance-related" reasons. That statement would also be
contradicted by prosecutors' generally glowing performance reviews.

As of late last week, a number of congressional Democrats had called
for the resignation of Gonzales, a man they say is far too close to
President George W. Bush to function as the nation's chief law
enforcement officer. They insist that a new leader, akin to Defense
Secretary Robert Gates, who replaced ousted Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld, is the only solution.

"The clear example is Secretary Gates," says Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-
Mass., who voted against Gonzales at his confirmation hearing in 2005.

"You need that type of quality of person, you need that sense of
integrity," Kennedy added in an interview after a Senate Judiciary
Committee hearing on March 15 that approved authorizing subpoenas to
11 current and former Justice Department employees related to the
firings.

Republicans are more circumspect. And while a small but growing
number have called for Gonzales to resign, many continue to echo the
same talking points that the Justice Department has offered from the
start: that U.S. Attorneys serve at the pleasure of the president,
and the Clinton administration fired nearly all of them in 1993.

Clinton, like any president of a different party coming into the
White House, asked for and eventually accepted the resignations of
most U.S. Attorneys. Firing a select group of U.S. Attorneys halfway
through a presidential tenure, however, is unprecedented in recent
history.

Pennsylvania's Arlen Specter, the Senate judiciary panel's top
Republican, says he believes the committee has been misled and wants
Congress to investigate further. "We need to seek the reasons for
asking those U.S. Attorneys to resign," he said in an interview.
"Showing the justification for asking people to resign will go a long
way, but it will have to stand up."

CHANGING THE MESSENGER

If Gonzales is replaced, a number of those who now favor his
resignation think Bush should find an attorney general who is both
outside the scandal yet has a Justice Department background.

"It should be helpful to have former career federal prosecutors at
the helm," former New Mexico U.S. Attorney David Iglesias, who was
among those asked to resign, says in an e-mail to Legal Times. "The
current top leadership does not have this real-world perspective.
They have solid political credentials, but that's not enough to run
the Justice Department in a fair and just manner."

And among those who favor a Gonzales resignation, there is a
consensus that Bush needs to nominate an independent figure, not
another internal Bush loyalist like Gonzales, whose entire political
career has shadowed that of Bush.

"There ought to be an unwritten rule that the attorney general should
acquire credentials independent of the president," says Bruce Fein, a
former associate deputy attorney general in the Reagan administration
who has emerged as an outspoken critic of Gonzales.

Among the names mentioned by Republicans as possible replacements:
Larry Thompson, the Justice Department's No. 2 from 2001 to 2003 who
is now PepsiCo's top lawyer; Laurence Silberman, a senior judge on
the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit and a former deputy
attorney general in the Ford administration; and J. Michael Luttig, a
former judge on the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and now the top
lawyer at Boeing Corp.

Notably missing from the list is McNulty, who is widely seen to be
too heavily involved in the current scandal to be a possible
replacement.

"I have known Paul McNulty for 20 years and have the highest regard
for him," says James Pasco, who runs the 325,000-member Fraternal
Order of Police, one of the few labor groups to endorse Bush in 2004.
"Unfortunately, I think these events are going to have a chilling
effect on his ability to succeed Gonzales, should that day come."

For whoever finishes Bush's term as attorney general, the issue will
not be merely restoring credibility with an increasingly hostile
Democratic Congress, but showing that the dual roles of presidential
adviser and chief law enforcement officer can be juggled. That, says
Janet Reno, means having to tell the White House "no" on occasion.

"You tell the president what you think is the right thing to do and
then you pursue it," says Reno, the attorney general during the
entire Clinton administration. "If he has arguments which overcome it
and persuade you you are wrong, then you agree with him.

"If he doesn't persuade you, and it goes to the independence of the
U.S. Attorney, then you tell the president you're going home."

http://www.law.com/jsp/article.jsp?id=1174035822692
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Postby janneke on Wed Jul 04, 2007 8:35 pm

July 3, 2007

Gonzales push for execution troublesome

ANNE T. DENOGEAN, Tucson Citizen

There was a story out of Washington last week that got little attention as
the media rightly focused on the immigration reform bill and embarrassingly
obsessed over Paris Hilton's release from jail.

It shed light on the firing of Paul Charlton from his position as U.S.
attorney for Arizona. But, more important, it also suggested that U.S.
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales - chief law enforcement officer of the
land - is overzealous, and possibly cavalier, in his pursuit of the death
penalty.
Charlton testified Wednesday before a Senate subcommittee reviewing the use
of the federal death penalty.

In the still-pending case against Jose Rios Rico, whom Charlton described as
a methamphetamine dealer charged with killing his drug supplier, Gonzales
ordered Charlton to seek the death penalty over Charlton's repeated
xobjections.

The case relies on the testimony of witnesses who have pleaded guilty to
other charges and agreed to testify against Rios Rico, Charlton said. There
is no forensic evidence directly linking the defendant to the victim's
death. There is no gun, no ballistics and no victim's DNA on the defendant.
"In fact," he testified. "There is no body."

Informants told the government the victim is buried in a landfill in Mobile.
The Department of Justice refused Charlton's request to cover the $500,000
to $1 million cost of exhumation. Charlton said it was wrong for the
government to seek the death penalty if it wouldn't pay to obtain evidence
that could strengthen or weaken its case.

Based on the lack of forensic evidence, Charlton didn't want to seek the
death penalty. Even a slight risk of executing the wrong man is "too high."
"If a government seeks to take another person's life, it should do so only
on the best of evidence," he said.

He submitted a detailed memo and had the prosecutors assigned to the case
argue against seeking death in front of the Department of Justice's Death
Penalty Committee.

Under former Attorney General John Ashcroft, when the committee disagreed
with Charlton, he was given a chance to provide more input before a final
decision.

Not this time. Instead, he received a letter from Gonzales "authorizing" him
to seek the death penalty.

Charlton spoke with various people in the AG's office to have the decision
reconsidered. Eventually, he received a call from Mike Elston, chief of
staff for Deputy AG Paul McNulty.

Charlton testified that Elston said McNulty had spent significant time on
the issue with the AG, "perhaps as much as five to 10 minutes," and the AG's
mind was unchanged.

Charlton's request to speak personally with Gonzales was denied.

The Washington Post article on Charlton's testimony - relegated to Page A7 -
also reported on an e-mail sent from Gonzales' then-chief of staff, D. Kyle
Sampson, to Elston about the episode:

"In the 'you won't believe this category,' Paul Charlton would like a few
minutes of the AG's time."

Charlton said in a phone interview Friday that the e-mail represented the
failure of the process, "that in an issue as important as whether or not to
take another person's life, my request to the AG would be treated that way."

Aside from the Post, NPR covered the testimony. None of the bigwigs of
network or cable news or any of the major talk radio personalities has
called Charlton to follow up on his eyebrow-raising account of how justice
is administered in the U.S.

Charlton, appointed in 2001 by President Bush, was one of nine federal
prosecutors asked to resign last year. He was willing to go quietly until
his DOJ bosses suggested he and the others were fired for poor performance.
Since then, it has come out that policy disputes, such as the one over the
death penalty, and the Bush administration's desire to replace the fired
prosecutors with loyal Bushies were the more likely motivations.

After being fired, Charlton joined the Phoenix law firm of Gallagher &
Kennedy. He focuses on corporate compliance law and is developing an Indian
law practice.

But he said he's dismayed at how politics touched the DOJ, where he worked
for more than 16 years.

"One of the terrific aspects of being a prosecutor, one of the things that
makes it a noble profession is that your single goal should be to do the
right thing (without) any consideration for someone's political loyalty and
agenda . . . .

"What happened as the result of the resignations is that now when federal
prosecutors make charges against political figures, especially those in an
opposing party, the claims of unfair prosecution or lack of integrity are
gaining traction. That's a great personal disappointment to me because I
loved the Department of Justice."

The State Bar of Arizona honored Charlton on Friday with the Michael C.
Cudahy Criminal Justice Award, recognizing his prosecutorial work as
representing the public's interest with integrity, fairness, brilliance and
professionalism.

Somehow, I don't think such words will be used to describe Gonzales when he
leaves his post.

---

Source : Tucson Citizen (Anne T. Denogean can be reached at 573-4582 and
adenogean@tucsoncitizen.com. Address letters to P.O. Box 26767, Tucson, AZ
85726-6767.)

http://www.tucsoncitizen.com/daily/local/56392.php
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